The Political Space of German Resistance – Part 6 of 8

At this moment, we enter into the political space of German resistance. For the Communist Party it remains a tactic full of zeal, but ineffective, for the movement of resistance it is a vocation that it cannot shirk from. The resistance cuts the bridges with bourgeois society, its institutions and scales of value. The destiny of one who possesses nothing, that bourgeois society imposed on the peasantry, on the intellectuals, and on the employees, facilitates their decision to break with them. It no longer has economic interests that could link them to this society. Certainly, we put first in question the political function of bourgeois society before attacking its social character. It is necessary to sweep it away because it has become the instrument that the Versailles regime uses to dominate Germany. By scratching the German polish of bourgeois society, we discover the regime of Versailles. It embodies an institutional countermeasure that would prevent the liberation of Germany. The will to social revolution of the German resistance has secret political reasons. It must break this machinery by enforcing the law of Versailles on German territory. Not only the proletariat of the industrial cities, but simply Germany, we no longer have anything left to lose except chains. Solely, the proletariat does not see that the social chains that it must bear are made of political iron. From this point of view, even the idea of class struggle suddenly takes a political color: the bourgeois seems, on the interior of German borders, as a foreign legionnaire. All that we can do against it is, in truth, a form of war against the foreigner. The cause of Germany is always in the hands of those who combat the bourgeois. Firstly, the national community with the bourgeoisie is equivalent to a fraternization with the enemy.

We recognize the bourgeois, in this sense, in his position on private property and Russia.

By accepting the principle of unlimited private property, we confirm the validity of the title of the foreign creditors to the detriment of the German people, and we place arbitrary individual gain over the claim of the nation’s right to life. Russian Bolshevism did not abolish the institution of private property in itself. For the needs of the state, it only circumscribed it and reduced it to the minimum goods in that category. To be German means today to limit in the extreme, in a similar fashion, the extent of private property for reasons of national conservation.

Russia is the center of the anti-Versailles world, and it took on itself all the consequences that spare no antagonistic force against Versailles It is no a paradise, as the Communist worker believes it. It is a camp opposed to the West. There, hierarchy is determined by the capacity of each to fulfill his function as a workers and a soldier. Wealth there is simply a shame. That is what scares the bourgeois – but that constitutes a model for German resistance.

For the Communist Party is incapable of assuming such political responsibility and, thus, wanting to overthrow bourgeois society is only a means for the national revolutionary end. Even in the social plan alone, it is much less revolutionary than its doctrine supposes. It lacks, to say so, the rich human soil, from which always surges fresh impulses, pressing revolutionary action. But this soil exists in the classes of the peasants, intellectuals, soldiers, employees, and half proletarian workers who are in the process of leaving the bourgeois camp and already feel darkly that bourgeois society is the most sure guarantee of German subjugation. The flag of German resistance is flown for these men. Their place is here, they gather under this flag.


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