If the non-proletarian suddenly wanted to vanish into the Communist Party, that would be a cowardly and very convenient flight. They have no task to accomplish there, they must only adapt to it. To believe that a mission of national education waits for them there would be an illusion that they would make for themselves. Nobody wants to be educated by them. Beforehand, their “gifts” would be considered suspect, as “empty and reactionary shells.” We do not want their “presents,” we want them to vigorously bend to the rules. They enter into a foreign domain. If they do not respect the usages and customs, we should despise them. They must destroy that which is good for them in order to be recognized as equals, to no longer notice. Finally they are going to realize that they adhere to the party solely because the life they had is already broken and they have lost all hope. Within the party. They will be free from the discipline that imposes the German demands. Nobody wishes it. Discretely, also they will later feel relieved to have honorably escaped the rigor of this requirements.
The communist worker is only social-revolutionary, and that is for objective reasons. From the social and historical conditions of his existence, it is impossible for him to – before all – a national-revolutionary. There is a chance for the German that his social radicalism will be an explosive that can leap over the coercive order of Versailles. Although the communist worker does not doubt the political meaning of his action, the fact that he accomplishes it is already sufficient.
The most heavy tasks are reserved for the non-proletarian layers. Their social radicalism should be the proof of their national-revolutionary sincerity. The seriousness of the national-revolutionary conviction will be the true meaning of their lives. Their social radicalism is not spontaneous, but it is necessary. It must be above all suspicion. That is the spirit of resistance. To generalize it and to expand it to all the non-proletarian classes, that is what must be done. That infinitely demands more energy than the liberating jump in the Communist Party. When social radicalism becomes an essential element of the general attitude of these social classes, it will have a base of confidence, permitting them to organize and meet the communist worker. Their national revolutionary ardor, the firmness of their political will then will become the motive force that can enlarge the social revolutionary forward thrust to make a political action with a very broad wingspan.
The German resistance is where we ensure that social revolutionary action equally serves the national revolutionary cause, for the fall of bourgeois society and is, at the same time, the point of departure for the resurrection of Germany.