Starting from the feast room of the Hofbräuhaus, National Socialism began its victorious course across Germany. It was here that its mold was cast in order to, much later, develop freely. The ovations of the Bavarian petite-bourgeois encouraged Hitler. They anointed him “the man of the people. The popular man found the right words to express what moves the people. Because, this man is prey to a rhetorical agitation, he was not a true agitator. He is an interpreter and not an actor. He is the embodiment of a feeling. He is the representative of an idea and not a leader. He reveals that what happens in the people, but he does not march at its head.
From the start, National Socialism was marked by democratization. It already announced that it acted from a phenomenon which, after its internal mental structure was part of the sphere of influence of Latin civilization. National Socialism was understood there from the outset as materializing the moral of the masses. He knows to realize, reassemble it, and make a profit, as the Catholic Church has always known to do. Its manifestations produced the same effect as processions. Until the present, no political party offered its heart to the people with as much heat, solemnity, and exaltation. National Socialism, like the Catholic Church, had the sense of an artistic director. More than once, Hitler was allowed to stage political occasions which, like a business decorator, he was busy resolving the aesthetic details concerning propaganda. In Munich, we venerate the arts. National Socialism was received here, in its cradle, the gift of knowledge of profiting from the heritage of Schwabing. That is not the Protestant sobriety, reserve and austerity to whom good countenance is much more important than atmosphere. The Protestant is beware of letting go. He does not want drunkenness, he wants discipline. For National Socialism, which shares the conception of the Catholic Church, the fundamental fact of politics is the people as naturally given, while for the Protestant it is the state as a moral work. The German Protestant knows that politics does not happen by itself. As a general rule, “the voice of the people” – the we recall in 1848 – is only words before the requirements of German politics.
The geographical situation of Germany, at the center of Europe, requires a maximum of constraints, “barracks”, “self renunciation”, “submission.” Politics must forcibly repel of natural instincts and the impulses of “the people.” A true German political man will never be popular as he does his work. In the best case, he can become it, once his mission is accomplished, when the people can rest on their successes. When we do German politics, the Latin regions, like Bavaria or the Rhineland, enter into a separatist ebullience. German politics does not affirm itself with them, but against them.
The National Socialist optimist betrays its origins: from the South of the Main and the Rhine as well, on the ancient soil of the legionnaires and the “Pfafengasse,” we refuse to see the gravity of the German situation. For centuries, these regions, have utilized Roman loophole or that of the Confederation of the Rhine. The state is not taken too seriously there. Rome is eternal, but the state is the work of man. For this reason, he is not justified by an absolute devotion, as the Prussian wants it.
National Socialism promises freedom. From where it will be in power, victory will be acquired. This optimism reveals it apolitical character. It is as little political and statist as Southern and Western Germany, which have never have founded the state. He does not see the horror of the situation in which Germany finds itself today and that seems without exit. He does not look the horrible political facts in the face. Instead he diverted his attention. It is a movement of escape, and it shudders before the magnitude of engagement that political misery requires of the Germans.
This engagement makes it tremble as all of bourgeois Germany trembles. He proposes an easy way of exit: believe in a miracle. The people do not want to sacrifice many things, which they hold and that are dear to them, to the Leviathan state, finding refuge in the womb of the Catholic Church. For National Socialism, it is easier to believe in a miracle than to fashion a great political destiny. For those that are despairing, Hitler is a glow of hope. By the force of an act of faith, Germany, tributary state, will become the Third Reich. This Reich exists in us, that we will receive from the membership card of the National Socialist party. Those who do not join the party, slows their victory and earns, consequently, ruin and death.
National Socialist politics is a decision in favor of the just doctrine and its messiah. The Third Reich began by a process. We separate the sheet from the goats. Heresy is condemned by the Third Reich which more a religious hope than a political possibility. It is not a state of this world, but a type of kingdom of God on earth. Only a national messiah can bring it and this messiah is Hitler. National messianism is Jewish in origin. Its branches made magnificent flowerings in France, starting in 1789, and in the British Empire. In the Italy of Mussolini, it deployed itself anew with all its splendor. It is a product of the Mediterranean coasts. Where it takes root, it buries at the same time the spirit of Mediterranean culture into the soil. For the Germans, it is a sweet poison. Under its hold, they forget themselves and lose their personality. It is the price they must pay.
Democracy transforms itself into despotism when it takes the way of national messianism. The salvation of all the people would be put in question, if the messiah showed clemency towards those who doubted him. It is necessary to be a fervent adept of the doctrine of salvation, if we want to show this evil world the boot. Cromwell embodied the anger of God and the Jacobins spread blood and fire. Fascism is the form today of the intolerance of national messianism. It engenders no new authority. It intimidates by terror.
The national messiah, who adapts his kingdom of God to human needs, becomes a Caesar. Caesar is a national messiah that takes the riches of the world and carries political success. Caesar was born in Rome. Caesarism is always Roman. Papism, fruit of Judeo-Christian crossing, reunites the elements of Caesarism and messianism. The Fascist leader is a pope in the political plan – he is a “rival.” For this reason, Mussolini means evil to the pope – despite his spiritual paternity. For this same reason, Hitler means evil to Brüning. The pope has the power to make and break bonds in the name of the celestial kingdom. The Fascist leader has to decide who is worthy of the Third Reich and who is not. He does not have access to God outside of the office of the sacerdotal mediator. He does not have access to the Third Reich outside of the office of the Fascist leader, who is also a mediator. Fascism resembles Catholicism. It is not by chance that Hitler is Catholic. That is not equally by chance that the most important National Socialist directors are Catholic, while Reventlow, this Prussian Protestant, leads an obscure life, close to political insignificance. The fact that Hitler, the Fascist pope, was celibate like a true curate is maybe equally revelatory.
We feel the Catholic atmosphere that is mixed into the National Socialist manifestation. We do not throw political slogans and proclaim the verity of salvation. The orator does not give explanations, it does not reckon political possibilities. He preaches. Only the Fuhrer knows the secret of the Third Reich. He celebrates the miracle of the liberation and the deliverance of Germany. To participate in an assembly already creates a bond with the Third Reich – as the participation in a mass awakening the sentiment of a mystic union with the divine presence.
In Mayence, Hitler approached a little girl dressed in white, bowed and offered her flowers. He who gives life to National Socialism, he will not die as a soldier doing his duty. He will die as a martyr, testifying by his blood the truth of the faith.
Where National Socialism makes it irruption, Prussia and Protestantism no longer matter. When we are taken into this dizziness, we are no longer what we were before. The good Protestant countenance and the Prussian rigor are wasted and exceeded. He who is already National Socialist, will become Catholic later. The occasional imprecations of Catholic bishops against National Socialism are part of Roman diplomacy. It is necessary to take necessary dispositions to attract even the Lutheran pastors, in the ranks of National Socialism. This ideology habituates the North and North East of Germany to the Roman mentality. Thanks to it, these regions become receptive to that coming from the other side of the Alps and the Rhine.