The fate of weak states depends on the distribution of political weight in relations between the global powers. These states must undergo direct interventions from their neighbors. Without ceasing, they must watch for a shield that can protect them against the attempts of foreign interference. Since 1918, Germany has been part of the weak states. Its politics has further become a function of the powers of Versailles who consciously express a primitive force.
National Socialism searches for support against the regime of Versailles, from Mussolini. The respect for Rome is innate to Hitler, this Catholic of Southern Germany. The form of the Latin spirit attracts him. It is perfectly exalted and venerated by those for whom the Latin composition of their character has prepared.
The relation of Hitler with Italy is not political. It is romantic-religious. Italy is a blessed country, a holy land. It already knows the eternal luck that bears Fascism. It is a Palestine. In this regard Hitler bears across the Alps burning with an intense desire, a pious confidence. He does not reckon political value from Italy. He venerates this Fascist Italy as an absolute value. If he abandons it, it would be an apostasy and a profanation of holy places. The South Tyrol is, in some way, the human sacrifice that Hitler offers to his God. He has not yet been brought to power, and the question of knowing what price he must pay for services rendered in return by Italy has not yet been posed. Hitler pronounced the renunciation of South Tyrol well before having been called to political responsibility. The repercussions of this premature renunciation are more imaginary than those of Locarno. Hitler is the same type as Stesemann. What France was for him, Italy is for another. One abandoned Alsace-Lorraine, the other South Tyrol. As the “realist” politics of Stresemann was unrealistic, the nationalist politics of Hitler is doubtful. Their result is the same: the lost of precious territories and noble German blood.
Italy was part of the beneficiaries of the order established by Versailles. Revision only interests it in the measure where it could reclaim a more important goal. It cannot hold the head of France. Yugoslavia paralyzes its forces. He only fights where it can be sure of the victory of its ally. On the field of battle, it hardly covers honor. It limits itself to robbing corpses. It should not be forgotten that this is fatherland of Machiavelli. Its political instincts, very sure, say to it in advance whose side has the greatest chance of victory. It has enough experience to realize that it cannot make a common politics with Germany against France. In the best case, it could bluff to serve Germany. It bluffs to obtain gratuities. France will put up the price to coax Italy. As a general rule, it with take from Germany the gratuity that it gives to Italy. Between Rome and Paris, there has always been a secret entente against Germany. Even if, occasionally, one tries to use one against the other to aid Germany, they never forget that, finally, they could agree on the back of Germany. For the latter, strong in its arms, Italy was not an ally by any proof. For a powerless Germany, it will be even less. It puts its existence in play, if it allows to incite a struggle, besides a disarmed Germany, into a bloody conflict with France. Its sacred selfishness protects it from such a folly.
For Italy the way passes through England. Those who want to agree with Italy must first arrive at an accord with London. The Tripartite Pact, Germany- Italy- England, is a fiction of Hitler’s foreign policy. The British pathos contributed to the enterprise of Alfred Rosenberg who, chased from the Baltic countries, wants to come to accounts with Russia by delivering himself – and thus the party of Hitler – to England. The foreign policy of National Socialism is not based on cold calculations and purely practical considerations. On the contrary: it is an explosion of sentiments taking free course from the Roman stupefaction of Hitler and the thirst for vengeance on Russia of Rosenberg.
The force of England is broken. France would immediately respond to a Tripartite German-Italian-British pact by putting dynamite under the foundations of the British empire. It would provoke dangerous movements of revolt in the countries subjugated by England. It would have enough money and agents for this enterprise. Since 1918, the English conservatives sails in the groove of France. To provoke France, such that it disposes especially with tactical means, it would be a folly. The English conservatives feel that this frivolous game could put in danger the existence of their country.
The foreign policy of National Socialism fails to initiate the processes unleashing the reversal of the relations of international forces. For this reason, the movement does not have a veritable global impact. It is incapable of becoming a determinant factor in international politics. Disarmed and embarrassed, it finds itself before the order of Versailles. The states that search for its support immediately defend this order, if someone tries to put it in question. If it does not happen to surmount this regime, it will be dominated by it and it is compelled to serve it. Versailles makes him understand that it will not have power in Germany, if he does not confirm it, if he does not recognize its legality – in brief if he does not continue in the tradition of Stresemann. Thus it is evident that for National Socialism internal power is more important than the liberation of Germany’s foreign policy. The discourse of Hitler tries to prove to the foreigner that he is inoffensive, that he presents no danger for the world. France already examines in what measure it could engage with Hitler and what conditions its would pose to him. In Paris and among the experts in Germany, no one doubts that he will fulfill them.
The order of Versailles is the law that the Latin world imposed on central Europe. He who submits to the law of Latinity cannot revolt against Versailles. He finishes by being integrated into this institution of international right, created by Latin authority. He echoes it, because he has a spiritual affinity there. Fascist National Socialism is not a revolt against Versailles; it is the shadow that Latin supremacy projects on the German protest.