Hitler: A German Fate – Chapter 2 – The Fall in Legality – “German” Socialism

Once Hitler gave hope to the little people withered from formulating, then realized their desires of deliverance and political liberation. The first thing he offered to them was Die Brechung der Zinsknechtschaft. This book by Feder only advanced a seductive idea but not too audacious, and not a vast plan of a revolutionary campaign. As always the disadvantaged classes placed their hope in “socialism.” Hitler proclaimed that this idea of Feder was “German” socialism. Bourgeois society had nothing to be afraid of and, at the same time, he could calm those who had many reasons to be discontent without attacking the propertied. To further reassure them, he now made the difference between “speculative” capital and “creative” capital. Thus all the “great fortunes” could, ultimately, be part of “creative capital.” The disadvantaged classes were gratified by the sweet consolation of a social remedy that, later, would ameliorate their situation and bring about the end of economic excess. In this fashion, this socialism spoiled nothing and cut no bridge. It was an absolutely social-pacifist element that had nothing combative, despite the frenetic applauding that he provoked in the attic meeting rooms. Although he was noisy, he was never aggressive. Conscious of the goal to attain, he repelled the class struggle. Visibly, he wanted to paralyze the combativeness of the lower classes. The true social aggression became consumed quite simply in the noise that “German” socialism had made in mass rallies. By his adjurations, Hitler unleashed waves of enthusiasm and absorbed the mental tensions that, otherwise, would be discharged in a tempest against the bastions of bourgeois society.

The working class, which had a political conscience and a union education, quickly understood the situation. They remained suspicious and held their reserve, They surmised that this pacifist socialism would take nothing from the wealthy and give nothing to the poor, outside of vain promises. It could predict that “German socialism” would lead, in the best case, to some technical social measures. That would change nothing in the status quo by putting it, artificially, in another light. “German socialism” only announced singing tomorrows. It would content itself with paying the workers kind words.

Consequently, the propaganda of Hitler only obtained a very limited success among the working class. He could do nothing against the position of “Marxism” which remained impregnable.

It was especially the petite-bourgeois and the embourgeoisified people that Hitler could bewitch. Until the present, their happiness was to be capable of living in style and wearing a “white collar.” This happiness was put at risk or it had already disappeared. They were full of bitterness and didn’t know what to do. Enviously, they looked to the superior social classes that had not already succumbed to the situation. The fact that some part of them could exhibit material well being, when they had lost had little security they had, gnawed upon them. The workers excited their jealousy, these workers supported by social assurances, whose salary was protected by business conventions and who, even more, benefited from certain advantages, given their affinity with the state. As “German socialists,” they were operating on two fronts. With their socialism, they wanted to frighten those that life had favored. The idea that they could instill fear in the others assured them and reinforced the sentiment of their value. However, the “German” accentuation drew the trait of separation with the workers. This socialism was of a better and more noble type, it was a “national socialism.” The patriotism of the old combatants and the celebrations of the emperors birthday found a resonance there. Even as socialists, they insisted on a superior rank. Being a “nationalist” socialist, they were part of an elite, while the international socialist was a sub-human.

The strong times of National Socialism began after the years of inflation. A crowd of petite-bourgeois, having been shipwrecked, hastened to them. It bore poisonous sentiments and the thirst for vengeance: that which the state that had thus stolen from their citizens should paid to them. These petites-bourgeois opened the way of rebellion against the state and bourgeois society. They teamed up with Hitler because they considered him as rebel. Until the present, they always remained inoffensive subjects. The sole gesture of the revolutionary was imposed on them. They shirked from a true revolution. Their courage was lacking. Hitler, his attitude, his doctrine was cut in the measure for the petites-bourgeois. That means: clenching the fists and rolling eyes – of the rage contained without fear of being put to the test. Behind the explosion of sentiments hides the lack of decision to act. Without a clear goal, with precise shape, throwing a challenge, only that makes it understood that we have embarked upon a mortally dangerous enterprise. The nebulousness of future requirements did not prevent anyone from believing that the National Socialist movement would actually change the state of things, but it would do it without running risks. It has, to say so, a secret of obtaining the Third Reich by the ruse and without a big play.

Thus Hitler became, in some sort, the ringing spokesman of a state with a petite-bourgeois soul, all petite-bourgeois felt to understand it in the depths of their hearts. The National Socialist movement became the refuge permitting the pusillanimous spirit of the petite-bourgeois to abandon itself to dreams born from their despair, at the same time, allowing itself to go to cowardice. Hitler did not cross the Rubicon on their behalf and he gave to his partisan the tranquil assurance that the pain of crossing would would be spared.

Hitler represented a post detached from bourgeois society, but in fact he was part of it all the same. As with all the petite-bourgeois, he did not stay strictly for the good. Regardless of his anger against this society, he nevertheless remained secretly proud of being part of it. But he made it very difficult to affirm himself in the cadre of the bourgeoisie, and it was in that which resided the true reason for his irritation. Behind the hate for Marxism hides the fear of a fate from which he cannot escape. He detests the proletarian condition as a condemned man detests the prisoner for whom the doors have already opened. National Socialism is the branch from which the petite-bourgeois hangs on to in order to avoid being drowned in anti-bourgeois socialism. That is not an evasion of bourgeois society, it’s rather an extreme effort to remain there. In this last hour, it only acts to conserve the place of the petite-bourgeois. At the limit, it is a temptation of blackmail: it tempts the devil to incite the bourgeoisie to have indulgence for the petty bourgeoisie. It wants to preserve it in order to profit from them as well. It does not want to annihilate it. For this reason it ran immediately, from a true enemy appearing, to protect it. These are the social roots of its hate for Communism and Bolshevism.

Bourgeois society clearly sees this game and tries to count it in its calculations. It appreciates that Hitler maintains the bond between bourgeois values and the petite-bourgeois, yet the bourgeois bases of existence are already exposed under their feet. It considers the socialism of Hitler an inevitable compromise that it must accept in order to hold the confidence of the stalled petite-bourgeois. Hitler has a mission to prevent this social class from falling into the anti-bourgeois camp. As he fulfills this task, he will earn their esteem and other advantages.

National Socialism turned the petite-bourgeois from drifting into their revolt against the veritable authors of their misery. Those responsible for inflation and their resulting dispossession, were Stinnes, Luther, Stresemann, and Schact. National Socialism taught these these injured people to uniquely condemn Marxism. Thus the victims were duped. Ultimately, there were made to prove themselves as protectors of those responsible for their misfortune. Hitler is at the origin of this absurd confusion: the blind petite-bourgeois, from which the political economy of the bourgeoisie took everything, desires to appease their thirst for vengeance on the blood of workers, shamefully exploited by the same society.

Modern bourgeois society is the final phenomenon of the West. Bourgeois civilization is full of the Latin radiance of spirit, of the sentiment of life, of the conception of the world, and Latin humanism.

His origins link Hitler to bourgeois society. Austria, like Bavaria, has always been a Roman shield against the Germans and the Slavs. The two both furnish German auxiliary legions that, in the service of the Romans, become the watch guard against German uprisings. A leader who rallies the troops in these regions always obeys the secret order of Rome, arising from their instincts. To Hitler this order comes to the aid of bourgeois society in Germany. Hitler is the last hope of the bourgeois world. He recruits hordes by emotion who were in the middle of escaping bourgeois society. They become his partisans when he tries to make it seem as if he himself is nourishing projects of mutiny. In reality, he incites them to take out their furor on the innocents. He succeeded in portraying them as the true enemies of bourgeois society, enemies who could have been allies.

In the same fashion, ecclesiastics have always taken the head of movements that could harm the church. In the case of Luther, the Church lacked the necessary attention. The idea of naming Luther as a cardinal arose too late in Rome. The offer was not extended and the church had to pay dearly. Thus it was at this good moment that Hitler received the dignity of cardinal from bourgeois society. The captains of industry reacted quickly, without considering the expense. Since then, he has applied the method of the rebel to save the real cause of the bourgeoisie. That is his “national” Jesuitism which informed men detect immediately. His “national” socialism is the modern camouflage of shaken capitalism. Capitalism uses it to infiltrate the ranks of its natural enemies before disarming them.

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