Considerations on a Voyage to Russia – Part 2 of 9

Russia wants to be a worker state and it is. Man or woman – one must be part of the active population to have civic rights and even the right to life. If one is not a worker, one does not have the possibility of sharing in a cooperative that receives, although in a limited quantity, the goods and distributions to its members on the ration card and at a controlled price. In the feudal epoch, it was necessary to have land, in the bourgeois epoch it was necessary to have capital to be a representative of the ruling class. Right now, it is necessary to fulfill employment to be socially and politically recognized.

From the point of view of history, we understand that the new Russia was born under the form of a worker’s state: when, in 1917 and the following years, the foreign looters and capitalist exploiters tried to divide Russia and colonize it, they used with success the idea of Marxism against them. The external independence of Russia was saved and defended by the revolutionary workers. The aristocrats and the Russian bourgeoisie were close to betraying and selling the liberty and integrity of their country for the price of assuring their social privileges. The great political exploit, that the revolutionary worker accomplished for Russia, gave him the feeling of his own value. Sure of himself, he also wants to form his country in his image.

The effective power of the Russian worker depends on particular historical circumstances. Certainly, the fundamental question of knowing if there is an objective necessity, intrinsically, pressing for an epoch of the worker, has not yet been resolved. If there was such a necessity, at this moment, the worker state would be more than a chance occurrence of history. It would have such importance as to equal that of the French or British Revolutions.

An aristocrat without the lifestyle of a great lord, his authority, and his pomp is a sign of degeneration. In the measure where, much later, he is accommodated to bourgeois society, he is a hybrid that must take an irony and who – if he is intelligent – no longer takes himself seriously.

Undeniably, the great days of the bourgeoisie are equally past. The earth had finally become understandable and calculable. Everywhere, there were limits, barriers, that the overflowing liberty of the individual has leaped or broken. The faith in unlimited possibilities is dead. There is no longer any place to start great audacious enterprises. Things are no longer all alone. There is no pre-established harmony in the free play of forces. What we have abandoned to itself, ends by crises and catastrophes. The bourgeois are crippled: things no longer let them mastery according to point of view of profitability. Capitalism, which cannot give bread and work to twenty million unemployed, because its principles even prevent it from surpassing the anarchic state of the global economy, must be put into question. The gentleman, that the global problems no longer allow him to sleep, withdraws. Tired, he gives up. Sometimes, he still discusses in conferences, but he feels far from the state of really attacking the problems and resolving them.

Will the workers be this social class that does not fear the difficulties because they are still so naive and blind to their total extent, this class that manages to show because it dares to attack its difficulties?


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